A controversy is swirling
around a book about archaeology in Israel, Facts on the
Ground. Archeological Practice and Territorial Self
Fashioning in Israeli Society, that appears to have drawn
relatively little attention until its author came up for
tenure at Barnard College (Columbia University.) The
politics of the controversy are not exactly news: the
author, a Palestinian-American academic named Nadia Abu El
Haj does not like Israel. More interesting is the question
of how scholars in other fields use archaeological evidence
Abu El Haj attributes extraordinary powers of creativity to
the archaeological profession. Archaeologists have “created
the fact of an ancient Israelite/Jewish nation,” where none
actually existed, all those city walls and bullae with
impressions written in paleo-Hebrew are “pure political
fabrication.” (Ms. Abu El Haj is said to be young and she
likes using italics.)
While the idea that William Albright, with a little help
from his friends, created the ancient Israelite kingdoms out
of whole cloth is perversely flattering, it ain’t
necessarily so.
The archaeology of ancient Israel is hotly contested
terrain, with pitched battles currently raging over such
issues as whether a centralized Israelite kingdom emerges in
the tenth century or the ninth, and weather or not Eilat
Mazar has uncovered a tenth-century royal Judean building. I
am not, however, aware of a single archaeologist or
historian who would support Abu El Haj’s contention that the
Israelite kingdoms are mere fiction constructs, the Jewish
“nation’s origin myth,” comparable, that is, to the Aeneid,
or the founding of Japan by the sun goddess.
This sort of silliness would ordinarily be dismissed as mere
crank writing – heaven knows no academic discipline is
subject to a greater output of crank scholarship than
archaeology – except for the fact that this book is
published by the University of Chicago Press and based on a
PhD dissertation accepted by Duke University. We are forced
to conclude that theories historians and archaeologists
regard as daft are actually seen as plausible by at least
some anthropologists.
Amusingly, Abu El Haj is something of a positivist when it
comes to the myths of Palestinian nationhood. All Israelis
are part of a definitionally illegitimate “settler colonial
society;” strident nationalism drives Israelis to commit
every kind of crime including the destruction of non-Jewish
artifacts; this contrasts with the ethical archaeological
stewardship displayed by Palestinians, especially the Waqf,
held up here as the embodiment of best practice; and when
Palestinians do deliberately venerable sites - “looting
(Joseph’s Tomb) and setting it alight” – their actions are
to be “understood” and excused.
Determined to reiterate that which she already knows to be
true, Abu El Haj alleges without evidence that bulldozers
are “commonly” and inappropriately used by Israeli
archaeologists “in order to get down to earlier strata which
are saturated with national significance as quickly as
possible” while other “remains are summarily destroyed.” Her
belief in the myth of jingoistic Israeli archaeologists
whose “research priorities” are determined by “nationalistic
politics” is so strong that she seizes on the merest hearsay
to level serious charges of deliberately destroying
significant non-Israelite strata at a highly regarded
archaeologist form Tel Aviv University. Almost as shocking
as the accusation is the fact that Abu El Haj’s sole
evidence consists of personal conversations with anonymous
“archaeologists and student volunteers” at a dig in which
she was not participating. The archaeologist in question has
been forced to take time from his work to formally refute
Abu El Haj’s reckless accusations.
Elsewhere, she presents a memorable discussion of the
destruction of Jerusalem in the year 70. Abu El Haj does not
deny that in the year 70 Rome was ruling the Jewish
population of Jerusalem, she merely dismisses “connection”
between that ancient community and “the modern Jewish
nation” as a matter of mere “belief.” The other thing she
doubts is the dating to the year 70 of the destruction layer
discovered by Nahman Avigad during his the post-1967 dig in
the Jewish Quarter of the Old City.
In the remnants of a building now open to the public as the
Burnt House Museum Avigad’s team found a destruction layer
complete with ash and coins minted in 67, 68 and 69 CE.
Based on this evidence, Avigad concluded that the house was
destroyed by the Romans in the year 70, “probably” on the
8th of Gorpieus, the date when Josephus tells us that the
city was burned.
This was, of course, an extraordinary find. A cache of coins
is such a delight because it gives you certainty: when a
cache of coins is found in a destroyed building, the
building cannot have been destroyed earlier than the date of
the latest coin in the cache. Archaeologists have almost no
other way of establishing so precise a date. Picture the
excitement that must have raced through the staff as news of
that perfect find spread.
Abu El Haj begs to differ. She finds it “equally plausible”
that the house was destroyed by “accidental (or
inexplicable) fires” or by fires caused by the Jews
themselves, “there was internal Jewish strife in the
Herodian city.” Furthermore, “each of these houses could
have been burned more than once, by Zealots, by Romans and
by accident, partially but not wholly destroyed during each
ensuing incendiary accident.”
The Roman Jewish War of the years 66-70 was a failed war of
national liberation, and, simultaneously, a Jewish civil
war. We know from Josephus that early in the war the faction
known as Zealots set fire to houses in the upper city. For
Abu El Haj’s scenario to be plausible we have to assume that
the Burnt House, one of the few largely intact house
foundations uncovered by the Avigad dig, happened also to
have been among those few houses that were burned by Zealots
early in the war, and that after it was burned thoroughly
enough to leave an ash layer it was repaired and reinhabited
at the height of a notoriously brutal war by whoever left
that pile of coins.
We also need, according to Abu El Haj, “a lot more evidence
to claim that the entire city burned down.” Of course, we
have it, a lot more. And not only from Josephus, although no
one distrusts Josephus on this, there is too much
collaborating evidence. (Note here that Abu El Haj accepts
Josephus’s word about the wealthy houses burnt by Zealots
early in the war in a thoroughly positivist fashion,
although she refuses to take his word on other things, and
although there is very little corroborating evidence for
these Zealot-set fires outside of Josephus.) There is
corroboration for the burning of the entire city in the form
of impressive archaeological evidence of a fire of
extraordinary heat. The imprints of Herodian-era buildings
can be seen today burnt into the massive limestone ashlars
that form the walls of the Temple Mount. They bear witness
to small limestone arched buildings (almost certainly shops)
that turned to powder in the heat of a fire that could only
have been generated by someone - Roman soldiers are the
suspects fingered by Josephus – carrying in wood or other
fuel to make the fire burn. Stone cities do burn, but they
do not often burn with a fire that intense in peacetime
because in ordinary times people not only fight the fires,
they reduce the amount of fuel available by carrying
textiles and other flammable objects of value out of houses
and shops in the path of the fire. Daft is a good word to
describe Abu El Haj’s use of evidence.
None of this is to deny that archaeology and national
narratives are inextricably entwined. Nationalists like Abu
El Haj will undoubtedly continue to appropriate and
misappropriate facts that come out of the ground.
What we can hope for, however, is that Duke University, the
University of Chicago Press, Barnard College, and Columbia
University will rediscover a commitment to uphold
responsible standards of scholarship with regard to the use
of archaeological evidence, and, certainly, refuse in future
to accept work in which the author makes wild allegations
based on the informal remarks of unnamed “student
volunteers.”